Crime and Justice International Magazine - Sam Houston State University

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Mar 11th
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Home arrow Courts
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Minority Ethnic Groups, Racial Minorities, and Sentencing in Britain and the United States PDF Print E-mail
by Georgios A. Antonopoulos   

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The Middlesex Guildhall, future site of the new UK Supreme Court
Since the 1950s there has been a consistently high level of suspects and prisoners drawn from minority ethnic groups and racial minorities1 all over the world. The over-representation of minority ethnic people in English prisons is a longstanding pattern, which is verified by the prison statistics of subsequent years. In 1999, for example, Afro-Caribbeans accounted for 12% of the total male prison population, and 19% of the total female prison population,2 and in June 2000, 19% and 25% of the male and female prison population, respectively.3 The percentages for Asians, however, were much lower, 3% and 1% for males and females, respectively. However, we ought bear in mind that there is a large number of illegal drug importers of foreign nationality (mainly Africans) in the male prison population,4 and an equally large number of foreign women, who are not members of a settled minority ethnic group. Yet they significantly influence the number of Afro-Caribbean people in the prison.5

The situation in relation to black people in the United States is no different. According to Blumstein (1982), black people, although they represented 12.5% of the total population in 1982, accounted for as much as 50% of the prison population, with young black males having the highest ratio of incarceration (twenty-five times the rate of the total population).6 Apart from their high representation, black people are also numerically over-represented in the United States’ institutions of confinement.7 More recent evidence8 verified that there is a huge racial difference in the rates of incarceration.

 

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Russian Shadow Justice: Its Assumptions, Nature, and Essence PDF Print E-mail
by Pyotr A. Skoblikov   

 

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There are several understandings of Russian shadow justice. In the first meaning, shadow justice is associated with the influence of officials of the executive branch on court decisions. This influence is conditioned by a certain dependence of judges on regional and federal executive and legislative bodies.

The second meaning is connected with corruption, a more dangerous phenomenon because it is a question of the corruptibility of judges. As a result, court decisions favor the party that was able to pay out the necessary sum. For the designation of “justice” of this kind, the expression “justice made to order” is sometimes used.

It is also necessary to consider the corruptibility of detectives, procurators, and staff of other law enforcement bodies, as a result of which decisions are made on criminal cases (at the pre-trial stage particularly) based on the influence of an influential person or corporation.

We will consider here shadow justice in the third meaning, when the functions of judicial authorities are discharged by criminal groups and their leaders. In this case we speak sometimes about “black justice” or about “criminal justice.”

Shadow justice in the last meaning is of considerable interest for those countries where a significant number of natives of Russia and other republics of the former USSR live. Among such countries we may mention Great Britain, Germany, Austria, France, Switzerland, Spain, the United States, and others. In order for law enforcement of those countries to better understand the challenge that stands before them, it is useful to become familiar with the belief system such people come from, which local traditions they adhere to, which rules of behavior they choose, how they resolve internal and external conflicts, and how to cooperate with them or fight against them.

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Modernizing Britain's Criminal Justice Policy: A Cure That's Worse than the Disease PDF Print E-mail
by Gary Feinberg   

britian parliament
One of the pillars of the Labor Party’s platform in the 1997 election was a promise to be “tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime.” There can be no doubt that it identified correctly and manipulated shrewdly the strain of frustrated public opinion when it argued that too many criminals were being mollycoddled by the criminal justice system, that the police were overly constrained and needed help in meeting its remit, that offenders were being released from prison too soon, that career criminals, violent offenders, and predatory felons were being allowed out of prison regardless of the risk they posed to the public, and that burglars and drug offenders who preyed on the young, the elderly, and the vulnerable deserve long prison sentences. Street crime, at least in the collective mind of public opinion, had reached epidemic proportion, and fear of related criminal victimization, real or exaggerated, became the harp upon which the New Labor party curried favor with the public by playing out its tune of modernizing Britain’s crime control policy. Correspondingly, led by Tony Blair who took a personal interest on policy issues related to crime, Labor Party ministers and members of the administration sought to be seen as identifying personally with the feelings of the many people whose lives directly or indirectly suffered the pain or anxiety of criminal victimization, or indeed, so-called anti-social behavior in general. Translating this into a more effective and efficient criminal justice policy and thereby reducing crime, New Labor orchestrated a program of modernization.

The architects of this modernization effort took as axiomatic Lord Irvine, the Lord Chancellor’s statement that “the Government was elected on a radical agenda to modernize this country. All institutions and services are liable to scrutiny, and those that are out of date, inefficient, or unaccountable to the people will not survive unchanged…. Change will be made whenever this will strengthen the social fabric, and promote a fairer, more decent, and more inclusive society” (Windelsham, 2001). As part to this development, instead of focusing on the effective administration of traditional services such as the police, courts, or prisons, the orientation changed to concentrating on measurable outcomes sought by the criminal justice system, e.g., crime reduction. As Lord Windelsham observes, for the Home Office (the branch of Britain’s government responsible for crime and crime control) three key objectives were identified and promoted. They were to: 1) reduce crime and fear of crime; 2) dispense justice fairly; and 3) promote confidence in the rule of law (Windelsham, 2001). It was further posited that these outcomes could not be delivered by the Home Office acting alone. Instead, they require that the central government, local governments, non governmental organizations, voluntary associations, and private enterprises work together in the form of partnerships.

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Restorative Justice in South Africa PDF Print E-mail
by Beaty Naude   

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Throughout most of human history restorative justice was the dominant criminal justice model, as is evident from the ancient Arab, Greek, and Roman civilizations, which all required compensation for the victim (Braithwaite, 1998:1ff). Restorative justice practices were also prominent in the Asian world, and Confucius (551-479BC) is regarded as the most influential thinker in this regard (Braithwaite, 1998:12). Restorative justice was also the main focus of various aboriginal communities in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada (Roach, 2000:256).

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