Crime and Justice International Magazine - Sam Houston State University

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Mar 11th
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Home arrow Violent Crime
Violent Crime
School Violence 'Shooting Ducks in a Pond' PDF Print E-mail
by Chris Fisher   

person with gun
As of this writing, it has been nine days since the shooting at Virginia Tech, and the nation is still coming to terms with the tragic loss of 32 students at the hands of a psychotic killer. Those close to the victims and the gunman, as well as people across the world, have responded with utter disbelief. “Shock” is the word that seems most used in news stories. We simply cannot believe something like this could happen in, of all places, a school. The shock and disbelief are surprising, really, considering how many times we have seen similar incidents played out on the evening news. Though school massacres are, on the whole, quite uncommon, they are far from unprecedented.

One of the earliest known school massacres on American soil occurred nearly 250 years ago. On July 26, 1764, four Delaware Indian warriors raided a schoolhouse in what is now Franklin County, Pennsylvania. They shot and scalped the schoolmaster, Enoch Brown, then tomahawked and scalped the children, killing at least nine. Two of the children survived the attack.

The deadliest school massacre in American history took place in Bath, Michigan. Andrew Kehoe, a school board member who was upset about a property tax levied to build the school, used explosives to kill himself and 45 people, most of them children in the second through sixth grades. The year was 1927.

In Houston, Texas—1959—Paul Orgeron, approached a teacher at Poe Elementary School and detonated a suitcase bomb, killing six people, including himself and his own son. Just seven years later in Austin, Texas—August 1, 1966—Charles Whitman, a mentally unstable ex-marine, murdered his mother and his wife, then climbed University of Texas at Austin’s 27-floor tower with an arsenal of weapons and barricaded himself in the observation deck. He shot and killed 15 people on the campus below, wounding 31 before police stormed the observation deck and shot him numerous times.

In 1976, Edward Charles Allaway, a custodian at California State Fullerton, shot nine of his fellow workers, killing seven. Then in 1979, sixteen-year-old Brenda Ann Spencer gunned down eight children and two adults as they arrived at the school across the street from her house. When interrogated by police, Spencer boasted: “It was just like shooting ducks in a pond.”

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Citizen Violence against Korean Police PDF Print E-mail
by Sunghoon Roh and Tae Choo   

Tower in Seoul Korea
Violent encounters between police and citizens have been one of the most controversial issues in the realm of criminal justice. Of the various problems regarding the violent contact between the police and the citizen, the use of force by police officers and especially violence by the police drew most attention from scholars. Thus, studies usually place emphasis on how to prevent excessive use of police force and how to minimize harm to citizens caused by police. Furthermore, a great deal of media coverage also emphasizes police brutality and the use of firearms by the police (Margarita, 1980). Despite the abundant studies and policies regarding the use of force by the police, the lack of studies examining the use of force by citizens against police officers, and the injuries that result, is noteworthy. Bayley and Garofalo (1989) found that patrol officers are involved in violent incidents that are associated with physical force from suspects once every eight and one-third working days. Though quite a few police officers are injured or sometimes killed by violent suspects in reality, researchers have paid less attention to this critical issue. The relative dearth of studies in this area is partly due to the general assumption that police officers are doomed to being exposed to situations where the risk to be assaulted or murdered is extremely high (Margarita, 1980).

The Korean Police is not exempt from violence by citizens. Many field officers, such as patrol officers and criminal detectives, are often exposed to violence from citizens, and sometimes the officers are injured. Though the risk of violence at the hands of suspects is regarded as an inevitable element of police work, nevertheless the violent encounters in Korea are still beyond full and complete understanding. Even though the majority of violence against police officers occurs when they attempt to arrest suspects or deter criminal activities, many other violent incidents take place in association with misdemeanor cases or even without any specific reason. While the former violent incidents are more likely to be “reactive” in nature, the latter appear to be more “proactive.” In other words, some suspects resort to violent methods as a reaction to an officer’s intervention, but others initiate violent confrontations on their own without any provocation by the officers. The proactive use of violence is important because it can be seen as an expression of the public’s negative perception of the police in Korea. People who had previous contact with police officers, for example, may have a negative perception that the police are corrupt or unfair. Since such a negative perception of the police can function as a catalyst for the use of violence against police officers, it is often impossible to explain public violence against officers properly, simply by resorting to the circumstantial factors surrounding the assaults. Thus, a proper explanation of such proactive assaults requires sufficient understanding of how citizens perceive the police.

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