Sex workers offer the simulation of sexual and romantic love, or at least transient sexual companionship. It is the wealthy part of the world running short on precious emotional and sexual resources and have had to turn to poorer regions for fresh supplies (Ehrenreich and Hochschild, 2003: 5).

Globalization, a phenomenon we have heard much about in recent decades, enables us to share and experience many positive and negative exchanges with other nations. Recent improvements towards democracy in several countries are positive outcomes of that globalization process. Negative exchanges, however, such as crime across borders, are also a reality of that globalization process. Transporting human beings across borders, illegally and with illicit aims, is one of the activities threatening the peaceful future of many societies. This paper seeks to examine the dimensions of the human smuggling/trafficking problem from Nigeria to Europe.

Since there is not much current data on the issue of human smuggling/trafficking for this specific route, this study relies on the information provided by official sources, scholars, civic organizations and reliable media organizations, to contribute to the knowledge base regarding women smuggling/trafficking from Nigeria to several destinations.

Human Smuggling and Trafficking

Kempadoo and Doezema (1998) state that sex work across national borders is not a new trend, but has a long history. They argue, however, that it has intensified over the twentieth century, especially during the last two decades. Okonofua and her colleagues (2004) indicate the transportation of women across borders as sex workers is an increasingly recognized important phenomenon with immense implications for global security. The practice has been described as a manifestation of the North/South, East/West political-economic divide, since it generally involves women from under-developed countries being trafficked to more developed countries for sex work (Bertone, 2000).

Illegal human transportation occurs basically in two different forms: smuggling and trafficking. Transportation of Nigerian women to Europe consists of both smuggling and trafficking forms of illegal transportation. Trafficking of people usually involves the recruitment, transportation and/or receipt of people without their consent. Within that trafficking process people usually become subject to threats or other forms of coercion for the purpose of exploitation. It might include sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery and servitude or the removal of organs. On the other hand, smuggling of people involves providing help and all other services, such as transportation and documentation, to the people who want to enter another state illegally. Smugglers demand a direct or indirect, financial or material, benefit for their services from the people that they serve (Interpol, 2005).

While human smuggling is always a transnational crime, human trafficking can occur inside a particular country. Human trafficking, in addition, is always a very organized criminal activity whereas human smuggling is believed to be generally less organized. The majority of human trafficking studies focus on the problems of people, mainly women and children, who are coerced to work in illicit jobs, especially in the sex industry. Human trafficking, therefore, is basically a human rights issue. Smuggling, on the other hand, stands more as a migration and global economic problem (Marenin, 2005).

An Overview of the Problem

According to Uzoma (2005), the transportation of Nigerian women abroad in order to work in the sex industry started in the mid-1980s and has expanded to a multi-billion-dollar industry with the inclusion of new organized crime groups into the network of women¹ smuggling/trafficking.² The transportation organizations have grown into a massive industry in Nigerian cities. This industry includes an amazing variety of actors, such as fraudsters, forgers, and lawyers, who set up contracts between traffickers and women, fake evangelists who pray for their success in Europe, traditional voodoo priests who use voodoo to hold the women to their promise, and government officials (police, customs, immigration, etc.) who are open to being bribed to assist the activities of traffickers/smugglers. All profit and give strong support to the continuation of the transportation phenomenon.

Lagos Airport, Lagos, Nigeria

Okonofua and her colleagues (2004) state that the rate of out-migration from Nigeria has been rising steadily in the last few years, and young Nigerians consider going abroad their best option, even if they have to do the most menial or degrading jobs in those countries, including prostitution.

Ibadan, Nigeria

The destination countries of the Nigerian women, who are transported to Europe for sex work, have usually been Italy, Belgium, Holland, Spain, France, and Germany. Among those countries Italy is the most significant (Okonofua 2004; Achebe, 2004; Loconto, 2002). Almost 60% of the 2000 women who are trafficked to Italy annually are reported to be Nigerian women. The number of transported Nigerian women working in the Italian sex industry is estimated to be at least 30,000 (Orhant, 2002).

In Nigeria, women between the ages of 14 and 22 are reported to be the most vulnerable group to be trafficked outside of the country as sex workers. Although there are other regions and cities, most of these women are reported to be from big cities such as Lagos, Ibadan, Benin City, Sapele, and Warri. Their education levels are low; indeed, some of them have never attended school in their lives. About 87% of these women are reported to be single, about 5% are married, and about 8% separated/divorced. The majority of these women are from farms and/or small-scale marketer families in rural settings of the country. Some others are working in private and public industries, some are ex-students or apprentices, and only a few are already working as prostitutes in Nigeria (Uzoma, 2005; Okonofua, et al., 2004).

The Transportation Process

The process of transporting Nigerian women to other regions of the world is undertaken by a well-organized syndicate as in many other places around the world. This syndicate includes recruiters, intermediaries, lawyers, evangelists, sorcerers, and law enforcement and embassy officials of Nigeria and other countries (Okonofua et al., 2004; Achebe, 2004; Uzoma, 2005).

Amsterdam Airport; insets (counter-clockwise): Rome, Paris, and Brussels Airport welcome signs.

In the recruiting stage of the process, most women are promised to be given a legitimate job, such as nursing, baby sitting, house working, cooking, or other service-related jobs in a European country. Almost 80% of the women never know that they will end up in the sex industry (Ogonjinmi, 2005). Others are aware and become involved willingly. General reasons for that willingness include the expected material benefits and the changes in their socio-economic status that prostitution will bring (Okonofua, 2004; Loconto, 2002; Bamgbose, 2002). (The consensual side of the transportation cases tends to possess the smuggling characteristics versus trafficking characteristics.)

After the connection of the women and organization members, the real transportation process begins. The organization provides all necessary documents to enter a European country and finds the most appropriate ways of transportation. Before transport, women are required to ensure that they are going to pay back the money for that transportation. At that stage, the most important way of ensuring the women’s loyalty to the organization (i.e., payment of debt) is through a traditional voodoo process called ‘juju.’ It is a mind-controlling ritual conducted by a sorcerer. A body part of the woman, such as hair, nails, or blood, are taken and processed through some traditional methods. The women, who are believers in the traditional religions of the country, can be controlled easily that way because they believe that the person applying that process on them can control their body from a distance, and even kill them or their family members (Achebe, 2004; Ogonjinmi, 2005; Okonofua et al., 2004).

Ogonjinmi (2005) states that not only the African sorcerers are involved in such rituals; some other “white garment churches” also work as spiritual contractors. For many of the women, the fear of fiery ablutions and oaths they went through ensure their loyalty to their madams or to the trade barons. Other than these spiritual contractors, some unscrupulous lawyers also work within the organization to maintain legal documents of debt responsibility for women and their families. These lawyers prepare legal documents stating that the debt of transportation will be paid by the women or their families in a certain period of time (Loconto, 2002; Uzoma, 2005).

Generally, entry to Europe is achieved by fake documents obtained with the help of corrupt embassy officials. Most of the passports used to transport Nigerian women to Europe, for instance, are reported to belong to Ghanaians living in the Netherlands legally. These passports are used after changing the photographs for numerous people’s entry to Europe. In a similar format, legal travel documents of Nigerian women, who got a visa and passport to study, work, or marry in Europe, have also been used for illegal entry to the European countries (Uzoma, 2005). Some other illegal passports are produced in neighboring African countries. Loconto (2002) reports that the agents usually take the women to Guinea via the Republic of Mali where false Guinean passports are procured for them using fictitious Guinean names. Besides these illegal ways, criminal organizations, using some fake documents, use legal channels to send the women to Europe including education, political refuge, adoption, marriage, and work application as an entertainer, cabaret artist, or au-pair (Hirsch, 1996).

After providing legal or illegal travel documents of the women, organizations use several ways to transport them to Europe. Uzoma (2005) reported that 75% of these women were sent to Europe via airlines through major European cities, such as Amsterdam, Rome, Paris, and Brussels. About 19% of them were transported through connecting flights to the big cities and about 6% of them were believed to be transported through border-crossings and ferries via the Island of Malta and Albania. For the rest (almost 5%), there is no particular way of transportation, but several small-scale cases were reported. The Mail & Guardian (2004), for instance, reported that the organizations use trucks to transport women to Morocco via the Sahara, then they make a dangerous crossing to Spain in rubber dinghies from there.

About 70% of these women are reported to be working as street prostitutes, especially in Italy, but they are involved in other branches of the sex industry as well. Most of these women are forced to work in that industry with threats of their oaths or agreements signed in Nigeria (Ogonjinmi, 2005). In addition, the organization uses fear that can easily keep these women within the borders of their “duty zone,” ready for their bosses’ orders and clients’ demands. The organization and bosses use several violent ways to maintain their hard-work, loyalty, and debt. Regaining freedom peacefully is very difficult for these women because units of the organization in both Nigeria and Europe must agree before a girl can be set free. The organization declares a defaulter to be any transported woman that escapes from the network, and subsequently targets the family of the escapee, demanding from them a ‘settlement fee’ of at least $30,000. In some cases, lawyers are employed by the crime organizations. Violent thugs, popularly known as “area boys,” have generally been used to threaten the family and collect any money or valuables (Achebe, 2004; Loconto, 2002; Uzoma, 2005).

The end of the story is usually vague, because most of the women do not want to talk about their experiences for fear of reprisals. It is estimated that these women return to Nigeria after working for almost six years to pay their debt. Some of them can escape successfully from the network with assistance from law enforcement officers or non-governmental organizations which are established to rescue them from the streets (Achebe, 2004; Loconto, 2002; The Mail & Guardian, 2004). Usually they have nothing but heartbreaking experiences when they return home.

A Persistent Problem

As in most other migration cases, the general reason pulling Nigerian women to Europe is the dream of a better life. The reason pushing these women outside the country is poverty and other negative socio-economic conditions that they have been experiencing for years in their home country. With the effects of globalization, people in underdeveloped countries began to realize the opportunities in other parts of the world (Hay, 2006). This is mostly because of advancements in information, communication, and transportation technologies.

The social atmosphere in Nigeria seems to be an important part of the causal factors affecting the existence of the problem. Achebe (2004) states that prostitution has very strong roots in the history of Nigeria. He narrates the story of Nigerian prostitutes who were accepted as social workers in the society historically. Okonofua and her colleagues (2004) state that the society has accepted engaging in the sex industry as a soft option. Migrating into a more prosperous country to work in the sex industry, thus, has been seen as more reasonable than doing the same thing in an impoverished country. The same study pointed out that 50% of the responders, who were all young Nigerian women, believed that there are positive economic gains to be made from traveling abroad for sex work as it creates wealth for women. In some situations, the offer of traveling abroad for sex work comes from close friends, immediate relatives (such as uncle, aunt, siblings or parents), even from husbands. In Benin City, from where most of the women are transported, the departure of local women for Europe is not necessarily seen in a negative light, because it has allowed some of them to return home with cash to spare. It is believed, to a certain extent, that migrating abroad for sex work can increase economic opportunities for women.

The social status of women in Nigeria is another factor pushing them in the direction of smuggling/trafficking. There is not a very strong equality between the social rights of the women and the men. Polygamy is a common practice among the men of all religions of the society. Although some women have made considerable individual progress both in the academic and business worlds, in general women have remained underprivileged in the society. There are credible reports that poor families sell their daughters into marriage as a means of supplementing their income. Female genital mutilation (FGM) is practiced among all ethnic and religious groups. According to a study, an estimated 33% of all households practice it (Qualls, 2005; U.S. Department of State, 2001).

Overall, the social status of the women in Nigeria seems to be a cause making women more likely to feel a deep desire to work abroad, “even if they have to do the most menial or degrading jobs in those countries, including prostitution” (Okonofua et al., 2004, p. 1317). The lack of social resistance to prostitution or ignorance about the negative consequences of the practice makes people more vulnerable to accept offers made for an opportunity to work abroad.

Beside these social phenomena, there are several factors pushing these women from their country and pulling them to Europe in order to gain a better life. All around the world, the economic conditions of the home countries are mentioned to be the basic cause for similar practices. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) (1999) states that the trafficking/smuggling of women is inextricably related to poverty. Wherever deprivation and economic hardship exists, there will be people destitute and hopeless enough to enter into deceptive employment schemes that are the most common recruitment systems in the world of trafficking or smuggling.

Bamgbose (2002) claims that women from wealthy families are involved in the sex industry. Therefore, the reasons for the practice should not be limited to economic conditions; changing social values and consumer lifestyles must be considered to explain the problem at hand. Bamgbose (2002) states, for example, that many customs of Nigerian society, such as the importance of virginity which restricts premarital sexual relations, are disappearing, and there is a gradual but pervasive erosion of the traditional premarital sexual norms and the expanding indiscriminate sexual activities of female adolescents. Likewise, Achebe (2004) talks about social poverty as a cause of that practice. He states that the economic difficulties and the effects of the Structural Adjustment Program sponsored by the International Monetary Fund during the 1980s created a “get rich quick” syndrome that was encouraged by a general poverty of the mind, body, and soul of the Nigerian nation.

Other than these socio-economic factors, the state of education in the country is playing a role in encouraging women to migrate to Europe. Most of the women transported to Europe are undereducated. Uzoma (2005) states that since the mid-1980s, the quality of education in Nigeria has fallen dramatically and teachers find it difficult to keep female students from dropping out. It’s also very expensive for poor families to sponsor their children in tertiary institutions. Because of the low level of education, women have not been able to earn a meaningful living. These people, as a result, often pursue being smuggled as they may improve their situation. However, this is not to say that it is only the uneducated that are involved in the practice (Orhant, 2000). In addition, high unemployment rates are also reported to be pushing people to seek opportunities abroad in the trafficking of graduates from higher institutions (Uzoma, 2005).

Other than these “push” factors, there are several “pull” factors luring these women to Europe. Ehrenreich and Hochschild (2003) state that the factors that pull women to affluent countries are not as simple as they first appear. According to them, this is the underside of globalization whereby millions of women from poor countries migrate to do the work of rich countries that affluent women are no longer able or willing to do. More specifically, the quote at the beginning of this article reflects the most important part of pulling factors: the need for fresh supplies to satisfy the sexual needs of Europeans. Besides these sexual needs, socio-economic developments of European countries have required more human power to use in low-level jobs, such as housekeeping, babysitting, and cleaning. Consequently, the steadily increasing demand for cheap labor and services – especially for sexual services assures the successful nature of the trafficking and smuggling business’s continued existence (Gallagher and Arrupe, 2005). This expanded demand caused the creation of a large market allowing easy earnings of large amounts of money. The general estimates pointed out that the trade of human smuggling/transportation creates almost $7 billion annually (OIM, 1997).

Shannon (1999) states that the market is demand driven. As long as there are men who prefer to purchase sex rather than engaging in mutual relationships, and dishonest individuals ready to operate as intermediates, there will be many unwilling victims. Unfortunately, much of the supply must be involuntary because the demand for women and children for the use of sexual purposes is enormous. Hirsch (1996) claims that there seems to be a rising demand in the European Union for more extreme and “exotic” sexual services, some of which produce serious health risks. Achebe (2004) also indicates the reality that there is a high demand among European men towards more extreme sex that can not be provided by conventional ways.

Creating Effective Policies

After examining the general status and causes of the problem, we need to know what has been done in Nigeria and Europe to prevent and decrease the smuggling and trafficking of Nigerian women. The responsibility to stop the practice is not only on the Nigerian government and society, but also on the demand side in European countries where these women are exploited. Efforts of Nigeria and the European countries are examined here at governmental and non-governmental levels. It is obvious, however, that efforts have not been able to stop the practice.

The approaches of the Nigerian government have been found to be ineffective against the trafficking and smuggling of women (Achebe, 2004; Okonofua et al., 2004). Ogonjinmi (2005) states that law enforcement officials in Nigeria are limited in their ability to investigate and arrest the traffickers because of legal deficiencies. There was no specific legislation in Nigeria against trafficking or smuggling until 2003. Therefore, the police had been fighting against these organizations based on the laws regulating other crimes such as abduction. Sanctions for these crimes, however, were not a deterrent to large organizations. Recently there has been an increase in the awareness against the practice among governmental and non-governmental organizations.

President Olusegun Obasanjo himself has reemphasized his administration’s intention to decrease the country’s embarrassing level of poverty – a fundamental reason for prostitution – and to fight against crime organizations conducting human trafficking/smuggling. He has promised that the government will take immediate action to stop the trafficking of Nigerian women. Nigeria’s first lady, Stella Obasanjo, has also been active in leading a public campaign against prostitution rings, which she has called “a national embarrassment” (Loconto, 2002).

The United Nations (2005) has planned a program called “Programme of action against trafficking in minors and young women from Nigeria into Italy for the purpose of sexual exploitation.” The focus of that program is on criminal justice responses to the trafficking of minors and young women into Italy for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation. Besides legal approaches, the program also aims to increase prevention through awareness-raising campaigns, which will also involve international organizations, NGOs, and community-based organizations in Italy and Nigeria. The general thrust of that program proposes a cooperative action plan to prevent the problem at hand with involvement of governmental and non-governmental organizations of both sides. Currently, there are several agreements between Italy and Nigeria. The Nigerian government, for instance, has signed a Readmission Agreement with Italy, which would allow Italian authorities to deport Nigerian prostitutes who have overstayed their visas without even checking their nationality. However, it is argued that this does nothing to help Nigeria reintegrate the women or prevent trafficking at the source (Loconto, 2002). Likewise, in 2000, the Government of Italy and the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria signed the Agreement on Immigration Matters. This agreement provided more opportunities for cooperation in fighting the trafficking and smuggling of women.

Another organizational effort was held at the regional level. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) agreed on a political statement and plan of action for combating human trafficking in the sub-region of West Africa. The one-year plan of action, implemented between 2002 and 2003, encouraged member states to set attainable goals and objectives towards solving the problem. The member countries agreed to address organized crime groups operating through a vast network. The plan called on member states to approve and fully implement important international instruments of the sub-region and the UN. These strengthened laws against human trafficking aimed at protecting current and potential victims, particularly women and children. It also urged countries to adopt laws criminalizing human trafficking and to build necessary administrative structures for its eradication. The action plan suggested new special police units to combat trafficking in persons. Training of police, customs and immigration officials, prosecutors, and judges was also an important element of the plan. The training was to focus on preventative measures, the prosecution of traffickers, and the protection of actual and potential victims from the traffickers and smugglers (Ecowas.int, 2005).

In 2003, the Federal Government of Nigeria enacted a law against trafficking of human beings called Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Law Enforcement and Administration Act. This act created the National Agency for Traffic in Persons Law Enforcement and Administration. The Agency combats the problem through the work of four basic units: a) Investigation Unit; b) Legal Unit; c) Public Enlightenment Unit; and d) Counseling and Rehabilitation Unit.

European countries have also made efforts to prevent Nigerian women’s enslavement in their countries. For example, in Italy, sections 600, 601, and 602 of the Penal Code deals with issues related to the practice. These laws were enacted after 2002. Before that, various aspects of Italian legislation dealt with the issue indirectly. Law n.75 of 20 February 1958 criminalizes those who exploit prostitutes or who lead women into prostitution including foreign women. Under this law (Article 3) it is a crime to encourage or to transfer a woman to another place or another State in order to practice prostitution, and to recruit persons for prostitution for national or foreign organizations (Loconto, 2002).

In recent articles and practice, Italy has begun to treat the victims of trafficking more as rape victims than as criminals. Italy, Belgium, and the Netherlands offer shelter, protection, and residency permits to trafficked prostitutes so they can help identify and prosecute their exploiters. Under a revision of Italy’s immigration law that has been in force since late 1999, more than 2,000 immigrants have obtained residency permits after escaping from their ‘mamas.’ Italy also offers schooling, job training, and temporary employment to help them. Throughout Italy, 48 various programs assist female victims of traffickers. Italian law gives participants a six-month legal residency, even if they do not denounce their traffickers. These provisions distinguish Italian law from others in Europe, where denouncement is obligatory to obtain residency, and is sometimes followed by deportation from the country. According to government estimates, there are 3,500 trafficked women in Italy, and 1,200 have taken part in the programs (Crane, 2001).

Spain, which is one of the countries where Nigerian women are transported to, has no specific individual law regarding trafficking and smuggling. However, provisions in the 1978 constitution, the penal code, labor law, immigration law, and witness protection law address smuggling and trafficking issues. The penal code punishes trafficking/smuggling cases because of trafficking for forced prostitution, illegal trafficking in persons, and illegal trafficking in workers. While prostitution is legal in Spain, forced labor is prohibited. Under certain circumstances, immigration law provides temporary residency and work status to the victims of traffickers/smugglers. The government provides certain economic aid and assistance to the victims (Gallagher & Arrupe, 2005).

Recently there have been ongoing studies and efforts within the European Union on the issue of human trafficking and smuggling and immigration laws. The Committee for “Equal Opportunities for Men and Women” in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe organized a public hearing on the trafficking of women in 2002. European Union governments agreed to bring their jail sentences for smugglers of illegal immigrants more closely in line, setting maximum jail terms between 6 to 10 years for people found guilty of smuggling/trafficking, or housing/hiding illegal immigrants. These countries also agreed on fines against airlines and other carriers that bring in non-EU nationals without proper documents (Moller, 2002).

It is clear that in both Nigeria and European countries there has been an increased effort to fight the transportation of Nigerian women to Europe, mainly because the practice is a violation of basic human rights, threatening the global health by causing the spread of AIDS, causing social problems in Europe and Nigeria, and, finally, dehumanizing women.

Italian parliament legislature chamber

Besides national legislation, international cooperation must be stronger and more influential. On regional and international levels, there should be study groups meeting regularly and sharing information in order to maintain more effective means against the practice. Nigeria especially must be demanding cooperation with the European countries where the women are mostly trafficked. European countries also should support Nigeria in economic, technical, and educational efforts to improve the situation in the country of origin. Since the problem is affecting both sides, efforts should be made mutually.

For Nigeria, the first thing to do is focus on the ways of providing economic relief to its citizens. Obviously, this is not a simple task, but democratic, uncorrupt, and progressive approaches might help to maintain economic relief in the short term. The economic status of women especially should be improved by providing several vocational training opportunities and encouraging/supporting higher education for women.

The social status of women is also mentioned to be a cause pushing women abroad. The Nigerian government and the social organizations should work to improve the social stature of women. Some of these issues are rooted in the historical and traditional aspects of the society. To improve the social status of Nigerian women, therefore, civilian movements would be more effective than order-based governmental approaches. Civil rights groups, for instance, can increase the awareness about the importance of education for women. This would result in more positive responses than legislation, forcing people to send their daughters to higher education.

The most important thing to do in Nigeria should be improving awareness about the realities of life in Europe. The negative consequences that many women have faced for years when they went to Europe with the promises of a better life should be publicized. From the aforesaid statements, it is possible to infer that the women who had many bad experiences in Europe are fearful to share their experiences due to the pressures on them caused by the gang or the rituals ‘juju.’ Only a small number of these women, however, are allowed to go back to Nigeria with increased wealth, which may in fact be a deliberate ploy of the organization to lure even more people to go abroad.

Since the practice is demand driven, preventative efforts should focus also on European countries. Obviously, it is not addressed yet whether there is a way of decreasing the sexual desires towards these African girls’ services. European society, however, should be informed about the reality that most of these women are unwillingly exercising these services. There are several governmental and non-governmental efforts to stop the practice in Europe, but there must be more effective campaigns against the sexual relations with these forced and unlawful providers. Increasing the awareness of the European society regarding the serious threat posed by these women towards their social and physical well-being might be the best option to be realized at the social level.

Conclusion

The practice of women’s trafficking/smuggling from undeveloped countries to developed countries is one of the major concerns of the global society in recent years. A part of that problem – Nigerian women’s transportation to Europe as sex workers – is not very different from the practices exercised in other regions of the world. Almost all characteristics of this case are similar to other cases. Like other source countries, Nigeria is also in a serious economic situation and feeling the deep effects of globalization. The government, at least in recent years, is committed to fight against poverty which is indicated as the basic cause of the problem. A more promising way of coping with that problem seems to be a social movement against women/children or human trafficking/smuggling. This way – when corroborated with effective, organized, and cooperative legal steps – might preserve the future of millions of women, children, and families.

Hasan Buker is an instructor in Criminal Justice at Minot State University and a doctoral candidate at Washington State University, Department of Political Science/Criminal Justice.

Notes

1. Throughout this paper, this term will refer to all females as women including underage women and adult women.

2. These terms will be used only as “transportation” in this paper.

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